Nepal’s Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli has finally resigned and left Kathmandu. His resignation on September 9 came amid major protests by Gen Z youth, who were demanding that the government take accountability for corruption and lift the ban on social media platforms.
While an angry mob protesting against the government may not be new to Nepal, a school and college-going Gen Z crowd coming together and resulting in a change is undoubtedly a never-before-seen sight in Nepal. But is it a standalone event? Will things be back to normal, and with the same old-guard returning to power?
The answer is no.
Oli’s resignation could be seen as a significant development. This protest movement was not just against Oli alone but also the political mess that the country has been in since the political transition in Nepal in 2008. The same people have come to power in the past decade and have not lasted a five-year term. At the same time, the country has been plagued by the menace of corruption, with one politician bailing the other out when in power.
And if Gen Z expressed frustration and anguish over the state of affairs in Nepal over social media, the government saw it as a challenge to its authority.
Just last month, there was a social media campaign against nepotism in Nepali politics . Old guard politicians had promoted their relatives to help with their businesses and entry into politics or find better opportunities away from home. There was an alleged targeting of family members of the Nepali Congress Party, a coalition partner in the Oli administration.
Therefore, what seemed like a government regulation asking social media platforms to register in Nepal, open their offices, and abide by the local laws was widely interpreted as a way of regulating and controlling social media, to ensure that people in power weren’t targeted and fewer questions were asked.
While social media outlets predictably failed to register – and in some cases, a few had reportedly accused the Nepal administration of corruption and hence refused to register – Oli seems to have made it an issue of sovereignty and hence blocked more than 20 mainstream social media platforms.
What could have been a possible process of asking the social media platforms to negotiate a deal and converse on the government’s concerns ended up being a blanket ban without a consultation window.
Therefore, Nepal’s Gen Z erupted in anger. On September 8, they took to the streets of Kathmandu to protest the government’s decision. The protests have thus far left 19 dead and over 400 injured.
This was about much more than social media. There was undoubtedly a problem with Oli’s way of politics and governance. Oli became prime minister for the third time in July last year by forming a coalition with the Nepali Congress party. He has previously been accused of using force to settle political vendettas. His style of governance has been described as authoritarian for his disregard for democratic norms and freedom of expression.
While Oli’s party, the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), has been a major beneficiary of social media platforms like TikTok during elections, his decision to ban them on the grounds that they were not registered in Nepal exhibits his deep discomfort with social media campaigns carried out against him.
Kathmandu is no stranger to protests. In 1990, major political parties in Nepal protested against the government’s ban on political parties, and in 2006, a People’s Movement overthrew the centuries-old monarchy. But the scale of the latest protests is unprecedented, and never before has Gen Z taken to the streets.
Oli seems to have decided to ban social media platforms unilaterally, and his Cabinet acted on this decision without analyzing the implications of such a ban. To many Nepal watchers, it was a fight between Oli’s ego and the genuine demands of the younger generation.
In 2023, Nepal banned TikTok for hampering social harmony as its users were found making reels at religious sites and destroying agricultural produce while shooting videos in several parts of Nepal. This, too, saw protests by users and influencers. However, Nepal’s TikTok ban was lifted last year after the China-owned platform registered with the Nepal Telecom Authority and agreed to abide by local laws.
In recent years, social media has become a popular means of income for the new generation, and the sudden bans are seen by the public as illogical and unnecessary.
Other reasons for the protests include public dissatisfaction, mainly among Gen Z, with the current leadership and the degradation of democratic institutions and norms in Nepal. In 2008, Nepal conducted its first-ever democratic elections after a decade-long Maoist insurgency against the government and monarchy. Despite democracy being introduced in Nepal in 2008, no party has been able to complete a five-year term because elections are more about personal gains and a way for politicians to be in power and less about the people and development.
Rampant corruption and failure of government institutions to create opportunities at home for employment and education prompt mass migration every year from Nepal. The country’s GDP heavily relies on remittances.
Also, no party or leader wants to be in the opposition. In just 17 years of democracy, Nepal has seen more than a dozen prime ministers and several deputy prime ministers. Almost all governments since 2008 have acted on the compulsions of coalition and less on public welfare. Without continuity in leadership, policies remain dormant.
Nepal’s foreign policy exemplifies this. As a landlocked country between India and China, political parties continue to play the India or China cards. Oli had deliberately leveraged anti-India sentiment to stoke ultra-nationalist feelings within Nepal. At the same time, his close ties with China are primarily based on an ideological affinity for communism, rather than strategic or economic considerations. Similarly, anti-India rhetoric is a political tool for Left parties, including the Oli-led CPN-UML, to deepen societal divisions and consolidate their power.
The ongoing protests are about dissatisfaction with the government, anguish against political instability, inaction against the menace of corruption, lack of employment opportunities at home, and an aging leadership and their dictatorial approach, which seems out of touch with the needs of the new generation.
Now that the Oli and President Ram Chandra Paudel have resigned, there is a million-dollar question – who will lead the country? There may be no ready-made answers, but certainly, the country will be agnostic about bringing any old guards back to power. If 2008 was a moment of democratic dawn, the 2025 protests by Gen Z will be a marker for a new generation of leadership and a new style of governance that is accountable, free from corrupt means, and offers opportunities to those deserving.