All five Central Asian presidents are in New York this week to attend the United Nations 80th General Assembly and a plethora of side events and lucrative meetings.
The Central Asian presidents all spoke in the first day of the General Debate, September 23, with common themes emerging from their remarks including the present instability in the international system, the U.N.’s centrality, and climate change. Other topics mentioned by most, though not all, of the Central Asian leaders included U.N. Security Council reform, Central Asian regional cooperation, artificial intelligence, transport connectivity, Gaza and Afghanistan.
Although all of the presidents – bar Turkmenistan’s – touched on the issue of Ukraine in some fashion, they largely skirted direct accusations against Russia, falling back on diplomatic language that leaves it to the listener to interpret.
True to form, remarks from Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev were the most universal, reflective of their status as serious middle powers, their more broadly international outlook, and their leadership in Central Asia.
Tokayev, who noted in his introduction that “[s]erious violations of international law have become ‘a new normality’” in the international system, went on to argue that middle powers “can act as bridges within the U.N. when major powers are divided or failing to resolve pressing issues of common concern.”
Kazakhstan has long positioned itself as a venue for discussion, if not always as a mediator.
Mirziyoyev, naturally, devoted a section of his speech to his “New Uzbekistan,” characterizing his reforms as “irreversible.” Like Tokayev, Mirziyoyev, cast a wide net, touching on a wide range of issues.
Of particular importance to Uzbekistan is the subject of trade and transport.
“In today’s world, full of threats, we are witnessing how vulnerable the global transport system is. These challenges primarily have a negative impact on the stability of landlocked developing countries,” Mirziyoyev remarked.
When it comes to Central Asia, the odd man out is usually Turkmenistan. Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov’s remarks primarily circled the topic of neutrality – with this year marking the 30th anniversary of the U.N.’s recognition of Turkmenistan’s permanent neutrality.
Berdimuhamedov, whose country reportedly has the slowest internet not only in the region but the world, noted that “one of the priority issues on the development agenda is the digital transformation.”
“We are convinced that this transformation must be balanced,” he said. “It must reflect the realities and legitimate interests of all states, including the developing world, and also must be free from politicization and bias.” Those legitimate interests, in Ashgabat’s view, include control of information.
Digitalization, and artificial intelligence in particular, was a topic touched upon by the other Central Asian presidents as well. Tokayev referred to AI as “a major breakthrough that can be a true engine of human progress,” and Tajik President Emomali Rahmon – while humbly proposing the establishment of a Regional Center for Artificial Intelligence in Dushanbe – highlighted the potential of AI to contribute to the achievement of the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals.
For a portion of his remarks, Tajikistan’s president fixated on reform of international financial instruments and funding for sustainable development initiatives.
“Despite significant attempts in this field, the amount of funding for sustainable development offered by the international community continues to be insufficient to address their current need,” Rahmon stressed. While he made no direct mention of the Rogun hydropower project, persistent issues with financing the massive dam are surely on his mind.
“Tajikistan advocates for effective and fair reforms of international financial instruments,” Rahmon said, going on to argue that international financial institutions “need to implement effective financial support measures, including debt relief.”
Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov – who said he would “speak openly and directly” as not only a head of state but an “ordinary person” – was, indeed, the most direct on some issues, while eschewing others.
For example, Japarov fired broadsides at the United Kingdom for recent sanctions on two Kyrgyz banks, repeating allegations he’s made previously that “sanctions imposed on Kyrgyzstan are based on false information spread by certain non-governmental organizations and malicious citizens.”
The Kyrgyz president framed the sanctions targeting Kyrgyz banks as hypocrisy (though not using that word), conflating the Kyrgyz case – in which Kyrgyzstan-based banks have been allegedly used to pay for military goods destined for Russia – with London’s ongoing trade relationship with Moscow, which does not involve military goods.
Japarov was in equal parts direct and oblique when it came to Ukraine and the Russian war. For example, he said, “The conflict in Ukraine has been going on for almost four years, people are dying and fleeing the country.” And then he went on to express his support for U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin’s efforts “to find solutions for a peaceful settlement of the conflict in Ukraine.”
Nowhere does Japarov place blame, directly, on Russia for the war. None of the Central Asian presidents did, unsurprisingly. But many did speak on sovereignty and territorial integrity, issues often coded as being directed toward Russia. But not Japarov. His only mention of sovereignty related to recent “missile attacks on Qatar and Iran,” which he referenced without naming Israel.
Rahmon, while not mentioning Ukraine, sovereignty, or territorial integrity, did say “the international community is witnessing disrespectful and violation of international law, which is the foundation of order, peace, and stability throughout the world.” (Note: the awkward grammar is present in the simultaneous translation audio; an official full transcript is not yet available).
Tokayev, in arguing for reform of the U.N., noted that “[t]he founding principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and peaceful resolution of disputes must be upheld without exception. Selective application of the Charter undermines its credibility.” This could be read as a comment regarding Russia and the war in Ukraine, but also on Gaza.
Four of the Central Asian presidents, all except Berdimuhamedov, made direct references to Gaza and Afghanistan. Neither Berdimuhamedov nor Rahmon mentioned Ukraine, but Japarov, Mirziyoyev, and Tokayev all did.
If there’s a regional throughline to track, it’s the topic of regional cooperation.
Mirziyoyev started his speech by harkening back to his 2017 remarks – his first appearance at the U.N. following his ascension to the presidency upon the 2016 death of Islam Karimov – in which “we declared our firm determination to transform Central Asia into a region of peace, good neighborliness, and partnership.”
“Today, we can confidently declare that we have achieved this strategic goal,” he said, highlighting intensified regional cooperation touching on many spheres, from cross-border trade to major infrastructure projects. Mirziyoyev framed Central Asia as unified, stable, and distinct, a region that is “steadily securing a stronger position in the system of international relations as an independent actor.”
Tokayev remarked, “Today, Central Asia is demonstrating a renewed sense of unity and mutual trust.”
Japarov noted the peaceful settlement of borders between Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. “I can confidently say that today the borders between Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan are the borders of friendship, trade, and cooperation… This experience confirms: peace is possible where there is political will, respect, and dialogue, which allowed us to resolve all existing contradictions and get on the path of development.
Even Berdimuhamedov spared a few words for Central Asia collectively, stating that for centuries the region has “played a clear role as a bridge spanning the civilizations of East and West” and that it “is now called upon to revive its historic mission to become a space for dialogue, cooperation and the convergence of values and world views.”
Rahmon was the only Central Asian president not to remark specifically about the fruits of regional cooperation.
Nevertheless, the collectivist language exhibited most strongly by Mirziyoyev and Tokayev, but also included in remarks by Japarov and Berdimuhamedov is reflective of a genuine change over the last decade in how Central Asian states interact with each other and with the world.