On September 5, the Japanese and Australian governments held a foreign and defense ministerial meeting (“2+2”) in Tokyo. The two sides described Australia’s decision to adopt an upgraded version of Japan’s Mogami-class frigate for its navy as “a significant milestone in what is the largest-ever Japan-Australian defense industrial collaboration.”
In early August, the Australian government selected the upgraded Mogami class as the Royal Australian Navy’s future fleet of general purpose frigates. As part of its major naval modernization plan, Australia aims to acquire 11 new general purpose frigates to replace the aging Anzac-class frigates commissioned between 1996 and 2006.
At the latest 2+2 meeting, the two countries agreed to use the adoption of the upgraded Mogami class as an opportunity to deepen defense industry cooperation. The two countries, separated by the Pacific Ocean, will cooperate in the construction and maintenance of naval vessels, strengthening the supply chain.
Later this month, the Royal Australian Navy’s Hobart-class guided-missile destroyer HMAS Brisbane (DDG 41) will call at the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force’s Yokosuka Base and undergo maintenance by Japan for the first time as part of its Regional Presence Deployment.
Australian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense Richard Marles on September 5 announced this new initiative at a joint press conference with Japanese Defense Minister Nakatani Gen held on board the fourth Mogami-class frigate, JS Mikuma, although he did not specify the port name of Yokosuka.
Yet any excitement generated by the Australia-Japan 2+2 was quickly overshadowed by events within Japan.
On September 7, Japanese Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru announced his resignation by taking responsibility for the ruling Liberal Democratic Party’s rout in the July 20 upper house election. He tried to stay in office after the crushing election defeat, but was unable to contain the backlash within his party.
Attention is now focused on who will succeed Ishiba by running in the upcoming party leadership election. On September 8, former LDP Secretary General Motegi Toshimitsu announced he will run; other potential contenders include former Economic Security Minister Takaichi Sanae, Agriculture Minister Koizumi Shinjiro, and Chief Cabinet Secretary Hayashi Yoshimasa.
One thing is clear: no matter who takes over as prime minister after Ishiba, Japan will strengthen its security cooperation with its ally, the United States, and its quasi-allies such as Australia and the United Kingdom, in response to China’s growing military activities in the Pacific, including the East and South China Seas. In particular, China is now increasingly strengthening its ties with Russia and North Korea, which was on display during the military parade in Beijing last week.
At the same time, there is growing concern that the United States, under the Trump administration’s “America First” policy, is becoming increasingly inward-looking and isolating itself from established allies and partners, especially in Europe. Against this backdrop, Japan must reinforce its cooperation with middle power nations such as Australia to keep China in check.
On September 6, a day after the Australia-Japan 2+2, Australia’s HMAS Brisbane – the same vessel slated to make a port call in Yokosuka later this month – and the Canadian frigate HMCS Ville de Québec transited the politically and militarily sensitive Taiwan Strait.
In response, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Eastern Theater Command said the two vessels were engaged in “trouble-making and provocation,” adding, “The actions of the Canadians and Australians send the wrong signals and increase security risks.”
Nakatani said at the joint press conference with Marles that the selection of the upgraded Mogami-class frigate as the Royal Australian Navy’s next general-purpose frigate is the first step in elevating defense cooperation with Australia, which is already Japan’s “special strategic partner,” to even greater heights.
First, Nakatani said this deal will significantly improve the overall operability of Australia-Japan relations. It will also improve the infrastructure for shipbuilding, maintenance, and repair in the Indo-Pacific region while strengthening supply chain cooperation between Japan and Australia,
More generally, Nakatani said the two sides confirmed that this project has broader significance and will contribute to peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. He mentioned that Japan and Australia had begun setting out the specific direction for advancing Australia-Japan cooperation while also discussing the increasingly challenging security environment.
Indeed, at the latest 2+2 meeting, Japan and Australia agreed to expand collaboration in the areas of cyber, space, and economic security. The two countries also signed a memorandum of understanding on assisting each other in evacuating their nationals in emergencies in third countries – apparently with a Taiwan contingency in mind.
This is the second time Japan has signed such a memorandum of understanding on mutual cooperation with a country regarding the evacuation of its nationals from third countries in emergencies such as conflicts or disasters, following South Korea.
It is now tacitly understood that if the U.S. military were to join the defense of Taiwan, Australia and Japan would provide support. Thus security cooperation between Japan and Australia will likely be further strengthened, including in the areas of equipment supply and repairs.
Overall, amid China’s growing coordination with Russia and North Korea, Japan and Australia are poised to reinforce cooperation among like-minded partners with the two countries at the core. The 2+2 joint statement underscored that both nations have the will and the capability to play a leading role in realizing a Free and Open Indo-Pacific, and highlighted trilateral cooperation with the United States as well as broader coordination involving India. They also agreed to expand economic security cooperation, including on critical minerals.
Australia-Japan defense cooperation gained momentum in March 2007, when then-Prime Ministers Abe Shinzo and John Howard signed the Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation. It was Japan’s first such declaration with a country other than the United States. Then, the two countries held the first 2+2 meeting in Tokyo in June 2007.
In 2010, they signed the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA), enabling mutual provision of supplies and services between the Japan Self-Defense Forces and the Australian Defense Force.
In 2012, they also signed the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA), allowing Tokyo and Canberra to share classified defense and intelligence information more effectively and securely.
In July 2014, Abe and then-Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott agreed to elevate bilateral ties to a Special Strategic Partnership. The two leaders signed the Japan-Australia Economic Partnership Agreement (JAEPA) and pledged closer cooperation in defense, security, and regional stability. The two nations also signed the Agreement on the Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology, creating a framework for the export of Japanese defense equipment and the transfer of defense technologies to Australia. The joint statement emphasized shared values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, underscoring the growing importance of Australia-Japan relations in the Asia-Pacific.
In January 2022, the two nations also signed the Australia-Japan Reciprocal Access Agreement (RAA), which allows the two nations’ forces to work seamlessly with each other on defense and humanitarian operations.
At the joint press conference with Nakatani on September 5, Marles highlighted the track record of more than 40 Australia-Japan joint training exercises that have been carried out based on the RAA.
Last week’s Australia-Japan 2+2 meeting was the 12th, with the previous one in September 2024.