The People’s Democratic Party of Uzbekistan (PDPU), which positions itself as a left-wing political force, announced its decision to adopt an opposition role during the Legislative Chamber meeting on May 13.
This follows the recent formation on May 5 of a new parliamentary majority – the Progressive Bloc – an alliance between the Uzbekistan Liberal Democratic Party (O’zLiDeP) and the Uzbekistan “National Revival” Democratic Party (Milliy Tiklanish), which now commands the majority of seats. O’zLiDeP, the party with which President Shavkat Mirziyoyev is associated, holds 64 out of the Legislative Chamber’s 150 seats; Milliy Tiklanish holds 29.
The PDPU holds 20 seats.
“While we do not object to the creation of this bloc, we cannot agree with its priorities, as well as with some areas of the government’s program and activities,” noted the PDPU’s leader, Ulughbek Inoyatov.
Inoyatov pointed out several issues that, in his view, ran counter to the interests of the party’s electorate, such as low government involvement in the economy, the proposed shift to a market-driven pension system, the lack of a clear long-term strategy to support vulnerable people with utility payments, the failure to implement a progressive tax system including a luxury tax, and weak government regulation in the pharmaceutical sector, such as missing price caps and no ban on drug advertising.
Incidentally, the decision to become an opposite faction came days after the parliament reviewed a law that serves to expand the rights of the opposition in parliament. However, even these amendments can be tracked back to Mirziyoyev’s wishes. During the first post-election session of the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis, following the parliamentary elections held in October 2024, Mirziyoyev emphasized the need to “revive” the opposition. He proposed to increase the rights granted to an opposition party, to include the guaranteed appointment of one committee chairperson and two deputy chairpersons.
Meanwhile, the PDPU’s official statement made sure to subtly note that their opposition is not a complete break with the government, since current law defines opposition as parties that disagree with some or all of the government’s policies.
“Opposition status gives the party new powers, such as critical review of draft laws, introduction of alternative proposals, and increased parliamentary oversight of government activities,” the party said in a statement.
Uzbekistan currently has five registered political parties, and none of them has ever genuinely challenged the government. This is not the first time the PDPU has taken on an opposition role. Similarly, in 2009, just before the parliamentary elections, the party declared itself an opposition minority after the three other official parties in parliament had formed a coalition. Such displays of performative opposition to the government occur periodically to mimic a democratic process. Although individual freedom has significantly improved under the current regime compared to the Islam Karimov era (1991-2016), the political arena remains constrained, characterized by a lack of genuine political competition. The five officially registered political parties are widely perceived as components of a single ruling structure, merely rotating roles between election cycles.
Meanwhile, Uzbekistan’s genuine opposition parties remain marginalized and unrecognized. The Birlik (“Unity”) People’s Movement was established in 1989, and the Erk (“Freedom”) Democratic Party was registered days after independence in 1991. However, only the latter was allowed to participate in the first presidential elections in 1991, when it nominated its leader and founder, poet Muhammad Salih. He reportedly gained from 12 to 40 percent of the votes in the election, which was rigged in favor of Karimov. Salih had to flee the country in 1993. The party has not been able to reregister to participate in any elections since then, even after the government change in 2016.
Over the years, other attempts to establish independent opposition political parties have failed – often on procedural or technical grounds – unless the party explicitly supports the ruling government. For example, the Ozod Dehqonlar (Free Peasants) party was founded by Nigora Hidoyatova in 2003 and declared its opposition position the same year in December, ahead of the parliamentary polls. The party joined Birlik and Erk in seeking to contest the December 2004 parliamentary elections. All three failed to achieve registration with the Ministry of Justice and did not participate in the election, although independent candidates were permitted, nominated by citizen groups. Erk and Birlik again attempted to participate in the 2019 parliamentary elections, albeit with no success.
Although not a political party, the Sunshine Uzbekistan coalition emerged in 2005 as an opposition group led by Dr. Sanjar Umarov, an Uzbek oligarch who pushed for socio-economic and democratic reform. Following the 2005 mass protest in Andijan and the ensuing bloody crackdown that claimed over 1,000 lives, Sunshine Uzbekistan was vocal in demanding independent investigation and justice for the victims. This ultimately led to Umarov’s arrest. He was sentenced to 14.5 years in prison on charges of embezzlement, tax evasion, and money laundering in a closed court; he denied all the charges. Umarov was reportedly subjected to torture and drugged during two years of solitary confinement before being released in 2009 under an “unconditional amnesty,” officially granted on the grounds of his deteriorating health although the role of international pressure was enormous. Another senior member of the coalition, Nodira Khidayatova, faced similar charges and was also allegedly drugged during detention. Her husband was killed in Kazakhstan the same month of her arrest in what she called a “political murder.” Her trial, although formally open, did not allow journalists in due to a “lack of seats.”
Recently, in 2021, the Ministry of Justice rejected the registration of the Truth and Progress (in English also referred to as Truth and Development) party, citing an alleged failure to collect the required number of signatures. Similarly, the People’s Interest party (Xalq Manfaatlari) under the leadership of Mahmudjon Yoldoshev, scholar and a writer, was also denied registration.
Forming a political party in Uzbekistan remains a daunting task, even before a group can declare an oppositional stance. The organizing committee must have at least 50 members and beyond navigating extensive bureaucratic hurdles, they must collect 20,000 signatures in a month. To compare, neighboring Kazakhstan requires 10 members in the founding committee and 1,000 signatures – although opposition parties in Kazakhstan still struggle to achieve registration, too. In Uzbekistan, independent candidates are not allowed to run for president. Only registered political parties can nominate a candidate, which gives the government the ultimate decision as to who runs for the top office.
The PDPU’s decision to take up an opposition role in parliament does not in itself hold any value and ultimately may simply serve as political theater – an attempt to create the illusion of activity and pluralism within Uzbekistan’s political arena. In truth, genuine efforts toward political development continue to be suppressed at their nascent stages, often through repressive methods reminiscent of the country’s post-Soviet authoritarian legacy.